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Walter Berschin  

Early Byzantine Italy and the  Maritime Lands of the West

 From: Greek Letters and the Latin Middle Ages. From Jerome to Nicholas of Cusa . Translated by Jerold C. Frakes. Revised and expanded edition. The Catholic University of America Press, http://cuapress.cua.edu/  


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1. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, I, 292 f.

2. Acta Conciliorum I 3 and l 4. Cf. A. Grillmeier and H. Bacht, Das Konzil von Chalkedon (Würzburg 1953), II, 816-22.

3. Rosweyde, Vitae Patrum, lib. V. (Migne PL 73, cols. 855-988). Battle (Die Adhortationes) describes the text tradition in detail.

4. Rosweyde,  Vitae Patrum, lib. VI (Migne PL 73, cols. 933-1022). In many manuscripts, a group of sententiae patrum, is attached to this text; published by A. Wilmart, "Le recueil latin des apophtegmes," RB 34 (1922) 185-98. Battle, Die Adhortationes, pp. 10-15, and idem, " 'Vetra Nova.'" Vorläufige kritische Ausgabe bei Rosweyde fehlender Vätersprüche," Festschrift Bischoff (Stuttgart 1971), pp.32-42.

5. "You were God' s consul, now enjoy your triuphs", thus Gregory's contemporary grave inscription honored him in the ancient manner as a conqueror; Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum II 1; see also Caspar, Geschichte des Papstums, II 511. J.M. Peterson holds Gregory's declaration that he knew no Greek to be a topos of modesty; "Did Gregory the Great Know Greek?" in The Orthodox Churches and the West, ed. D. Baker (Oxford 1976), pp. 121-34.

6. R. Riendiger, "Die Lateransynode von 649 und Maximos der Bekenner," in Maximus Confessor. ed. F.Heinzer and C. Schönborn (Fribourg 1982) pp. 111-21, here p.120. This lecture provides the best introduction to Riedinger's argumentation, by means of which Erich Caspar's interpretation (until recently the one generally accepted) was refuted. A new edition by Riedinger of the Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum appeared in Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum II 1 (Berlin/New York 1984).

7. "... natione Graecus, ex patre Theodoro episcopo de civitate Hierosolima ..."; Duchense, Liber Pontificalis, I., 331.

8. J. Gay, "Quelques remarques sur les papes grecs et syriens avant la querelle des iconoclastes 678-715," Mélanges Schlumberger (Paris 1924), I, 40-54.

9. Cf. Caspar (Geschichte des Papstums, II, 634 ff.). whose conventional opinion ("Müdigkeit und Schwunglosigkeit dieses griechischen Papsttums," p. 643; "lassitude and lack of imagination of this Greek papacy") derives last but not least from his biased evaluation of sources: liturgical history is left out of consideration, as if the liturgy could never be an important historical element.

10. Maassen, Geschichte der Quellen, p. 760 f. Siegmund, Die Überlieferung, pp. 158 f.

11. Caspar, Geschichte des Papsttums, II, 614.

12. It would be profitable to examine critically all references to this influential person in seventh/eighth-century Rome. The most significant report in the present context is that Bonifatius Consiliarius translated a part of the Miracula SS. Cyri et Johannis by Sophronius of Jerusalem. Migne PG 87 (1865), cols. 3379-3675. The Liber pontificalis mentions Bonifatius in the Vita Benedicti II (683-85) and Vita Sergii (687-701). Eddius Stephanus (Vita S. Wilfridi, cc. 5 and 53) and Bede (Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum V 19) both mention him as the friend and teacher of Wilfrid, the missionary to the Frisians.

13. A manuscript of the translation, written in Rome in 800, is preserved in Cod. Vat. gr. 1666; see below, Chapter IX, sec. 2, ad init.

14. St. Binon, Essai sur le cycle de Saint Mrrcure, Bobliothèque de L'École des Hautes Études, Sciences Religieuses 53 (Paris 1937). Siegmund, Die Überlieferung, p.242. BHL nos. 5933-39 surveys the rich literature which arose in Benevento throygh the veneration of Mercurius.

15. P. Goubert, "L' Espagne Byzantine. Influences Byzantines sur l' Espagne Wisigothique, " Revue des Études Byzantines 4 (1946) 111-33.

16. Rosweyde, Vitae Patrum. lib. VII (Migne PL 73, cols. 1052-62). New edition by J.G. Freire, A versão latina por Pascásio de Dume dos Apophegmata Patrum (Coimbra 1971), I/2 (I, 159 ff. Liber Geronticon de octo principalibus vitiis). Freire hae edited a further translation of apophtegmata from the sixth century in Commonitiones sanctorum patrum. Uma nova colecção de apotegmas (Coimbra 1974). This collection is to a large extent identical to the one published by Rosweyde in the third book of his Vitae Patrum under the name Rufinus.

17. Rosweyde included this translation in the appendix in his Vitae Patrum. New edition by C.W. Barlow, Martini episcopi Bracarensis opera omnia (New Haven 1950), pp. 30-51; the collections of canons, ibid., pp. 123-44. Cf. K. Schäferdiek, Die Kirche in den Reichen der Westgoten und Suewen (Berlin 1967), pp.120 ff.

18. D. de Bruyne, "L' héritage littéraire de l'abbé Saint Valère, "RB 32 (1920), 1-10. On the Vita S. Mariae Aegyptiacae in the compilation, one of the old translations of "expressive character," see Kunze, Studien zur Legende der heiligen Maria Aegyptiaca, pp. 28 ff.; cf. W. Berschin, in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 10 (1975),310.

19. "The Greek roots and etymologies in Isidore' s work, which are corrected and printed in Greek in Lindsay's edition, are in very many cases written in the Latin alphabet in the manuscripts  and generally transmitted in more or less garbled form, since they did not always excibit the classical linguistic forms even in the original text"; Bischoff, in Latin Script and Letters A.D. 400-900, Festschrift Bieler, p. 209. In the same passage, Bischoff shows how the Medieval Latin word bannita = syllaba, littera came about from the transcription of the Graeca in Etym. I 16, 1: "nam syllaba dicta est ΑΠΟ ΤΟΥ CΥΛΛΑΜΒΑΝΕΙΝ ΤΑ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΑ."

20. Etym. I 3.

21. Etym. IX 1.

22. J. Fontaine's Isidore de Séville et la culture classique dans l' Espagne Wisigothique (Paris 1959), I/2 (pp. 58-61) on the passage cited concerning the Greek alphabet) contains an extensive source analysis.

23. Borst, Der Turmbau, III, 455.

24. Such important Celticists as Arbois de Jubainville and Heinrich Zimmer (e.g., Pelagius in Irland [Berlin 1901], pp. 5 ff.) have formulated critically indefensible arguments on this point. E. Coccia has collected much of the evidence employed in such untenable arguments; "La cultura irlandese precarolingia. Miracolo o mito? Studi Medievali III/8 (1967), 257-420.

25, Roger, L'enseignement, pp. 268-73. Esposito, "The Knowledge of Greek in Ireland," Studies (Dublin) 1 (1912), here p. 683. Esposito's article is a devastating analysis of an older method of evidence collection and interpolation, such as is practiced uncritically -though not without elegance- by Stokes, "The Knowledge of Greek in Ireland," Proceedings of the Irish Academy III/2 (1891-93).

26. Shaffhausen, Stadtbibliothek Gen. 1, pp. 103 and 137. The Graeca are those of Dorbbene, abbot of Iona (d. 713) and scribe of the manuscript; they are not added later, as Lowe (CLA, VII, 998) leads one to believe. The manuscript was in Reichenau during the Middle Ages. Although lying off the English coasts, Iona and Lindisfarne belong to the Irish cultural sphere in the early Middle Ages.

27. Durham, Cathedral Library A II 10, fol. 3v; a greatly reduced photograph in C. Nordenfalk, Before the Book of Durrow," Acta Archaeologica 18 (1947) 161; CLA, II, 147.

28. Cf. the use of Ф in  filii (fol. 27r). A fascimile edition of the "Book of Lindisfarne" (London, BL Cotton Nero D IV) has been published by T.E. Kendrick, T.J. Brown, et al. eds. (Olten/Lausanne 1956; commentary volume 1960); CLA, II, 187.

29. Dublin, Trinity College 52; partial fascimile ("The Patrician Documents"), ed. E. Gwynn (Dublin 1937); CLA, II, 270. L. Bieler, "The Book of Armagh," Great Books of Ireland, Thomas Davis Lectures (Dublin 1967), pp. 51-63.

30. F.E. Warren, The Antiphonary of Bangor (London 1893), I, XIX.

31. Ed. by M.W. Herren (Torondo 1974), p. 74 (cf. pp. 191 ff: "Greek and Greek-derived words"). See also Bieler. "Ireland's Graeco-Latin Heritage," Studia Patristica, TU 116, vol. XIII, p. 5 (bibliog.).

32. Auraicept na n-Éces: The Scholar's Primer, ed.G. Calder (Edinburgh 1917), pp. 230 f. for the Greek alphabet.

33. Ed. by J. Huemer (Leipzig 1886). Bischoff observes that the "gesamte frühe Überlieferung über Ireland gegangen ist" ("entire early tradition was transmitted via Ireland"); Mittelalterliche Studien, I 215.

34. Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien, I, 205-73.

35. Epist. 5 ed. G.S.M.Walker, S. Columbani opera (Dublin 1957), p. 54.

36. "...usque hodie supersunt de eorum discipulis, qui Latinam Graecamque linguam asque ut propriam in qua nati sunt norunt"; Historia ecclesiastica IV 2.

37. Is one to imagine the fruit of this trilingual education in the form of the remarkable prologue to Aldhelm' s work, with a mixture of Anglo-Saxon, Latin, and Greek (transmitted in the second manuscript Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 326, saec. X; ed. R. Ehwald, Aldhelmi opera [Berlin 1919], pp. 219 f.)?

38. See above, Chapter II, n. 38.

39. This impressive double page is reproduced (in greatly reduced format) in R.L.S. Mitford, The Art of the Codex Amiatinus, Jarrow Lecture (1967), pl. D.

40. E.A. Lowe, English Uncial (Oxford 1960), pl.11.

41. Thus Blatt comments (in Classica et Mediaevalia 1, p. 235), obviously led astray by the passage from Bede, cited above, n. 36.

42. Aldhelmi opera, ed. Ehwald, pp.81 f.

43. Traube, Einleitung, p. 100.

44. On the Syro-Palestinian origin of the letter ЭЄ, see the author's "Griechsches bei den Iren," in Die Iren und Europa im Früheren Mittelalter (Stuttgart 1982), I, 501-10.

45. On Bede's Greek studies, see most recently J. Gribomont, "Saint Bède et ses dictionnaires grecs," RB 89 (1979), 271-80; A.C. Dionisotti, "On Bede, Grammars and Greek," RB 92 (1982), 111-41; and, uniformed about the current scholarly discussion, K.M. Lynch, "The Venerable Bede's Knowledge of Greek," Traditio 39 (1983), 432-39.

46. Ed. by Laistner, Bedae Venerabilis Expositio Actuum Apostolorum et Retractatio (Cambridge, Mass., 1939); idem, "Bede as a Classical and Patristic Scholar," The Intelectual Heritage of the early Middle Ages, pp. 93-116.

47. Oxford, Bodleian Library Laud. gr. 35, Sardinia, saec. VI-VII; CLA, II, 251. Laistner, "The Latin Version of Acts Known to the Venerable Bede," The intellectual Heritage, pp. 150-64. B. Bischoff and J. Hofmann (Libri Sancti Kyliani [Würzburg 1952], pp. 90 f. [bibliog.]) briefly outline the fate of this bilingual of Acts (except for the "Codex Bezae," Cambridge, Univ. Libr. Nn. II 41, the only ancient bilingual text of Acts): from Sardinia to Northumbria, to "insular Germany" and back to England from the Würzburg Dombibliothek during the Thirty Years'War. Diverse annotations indicate that this codex, like the Psalterium Verona I (1) was used as a textbook. The handwriting sample iacobus presbyter grecus (saec. IX) on fol. 226v deserves special attention; cf. Lowe, Palaeographical Papers (1971), I, pl. 30, and C. Mango, "La culture grecque et l'occident au VIIIe siècle," in I problemi dell' occidente nel secolo VIII, Settimane di studio 20 (Spoleto 1973), II, 683-721, esp. pp. 689 f. and pls. 1-3.

48. De temporum ratione, c. 1, ed. C.W. Jones, Bedae opera de temporibus (Cambridge, Mass., 1943), p. 181. In c. 14, Bede list the Greek names for the months (and in c. 15 the Old English names); ed. Jones, pp. 210 f. intentionally cite thw older U.S. edition of 1943 and not the recent 2nd edition in CC 123B (1977), which offers no scholarly advance over the previous edition and which the editor justly calls "electric." The new edition does not take into account the newly discovered fragments of De temporum ratione in an English uncial manuscript from the year 746 (Münster, Staatsarchiv Msc. I 243, and Bückeburg, Niedersächsisches Staatsarchiv Dep. 3).