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Walter Berschin

Valuation and Knowledge of Greek 

From: Greek Letters and the Latin Middle Ages. From Jerome to Nicholas of Cusa   Translated by Jerold C. Frakes. Revised and expanded edition. The Catholic University of America Press, http://cuapress.cua.edu/  


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1. Ekkehart IV, Casus S. Galli, c  94, ed. G.Meyer von Κnοnau (St.Gall 1877), p. 344; ed. Η.F. Haefele (Darmstadt 1980), p. 194.

2. Bischoff, "The Study of Foreign Languages in the Middle Ages," Mtttelalterliche Studien, ΙΙ, 227-245.

3. Apc 1, 8; 21  6; 22, 13.

4. Hilarius of Poitiers, Prologus in librum psalmorum 15; Migne PL 9, col. 241. Cf.Αugustine, Ennarationes in psalmos LVIII 1, 1 and In Iohannis evangelium trαctatus CXVII 4.

5. Prudentius, Apotheosis vv. 381-85.

6. Isidore, Etymologiae ΙΧ 1, 3; οn this point see also Borst, Der Turmbau, ΙΙ/1, 454.

7. Allgeier in Biblicα 24 (1943), 282.

8. R. Ε. McNally, "The 'Tres linguae sacrae' in Early Irish Bible Exegesis," Theological Studies 19 (New York 1958), 395-403.

9. On Andrew of St.Victor, see Smalley, The Study of the Bible, pp. 112 ff.

10. Cf. Pertusi in Atti del Convegno di Studi "Dante e lα cultura veneta" (1966). Dante knew that Gregory the Great had occupied himself with Dionysius' theory of angels; since the great author-pope had a different conception of the hierarchy of angels than did Dionysiιιs, Dante depicted him sympathetically as the saint [der Selige] who "had to smile at himself, as soon as he opened his eyes in this heaven":

Ε Dionisio con tanto disio

a contemplar questi ordini si mise

che li nomò e distinse com'io.

Μa Gregorio da lui poi si divise

onde, si tosto come li occhi aperse

in questo ciel, di sè medesmo rise.

Divina Commedia, Paradiso ΧXVIII 130-35

On Dante's quotations from Aristotle and Ptolemy, see Groppi, Dante traduttore, pp.48-92.

11. The transition from Greek to Latin as the liturgical language is discιιssed by Τ. Κlauser in Miscellanea G. Mercati (Rome 1946), Ι, 467-82, and J. Α. Jungmann, Missarum Sollemnia, 5th ed. (Vienna/Freiburg/Basel 1962), Ι, 65 (bibliog.). Caspari's excursus "Über den gottesdienstlichen Gebrauch des Griechischen im Abendlande während des früheren Mittelalters" is still the fundamental study of the subject; in Quellen zur Ceschichte des Tauf symbols (1875). Brou briefly lists the liturgical Graeca in Sacris Erudiri 1 (1948) and 4 (1952).

12. On the liturgical Kyrie eleison, see Jungmann, Missarum Solemnia, I, 430 ff.

13. Cf. the article "Trisagion" in Riemann, Musiklexikon, Sachteil, 12th ed. (Mainz 1967). p. 987 (bibliog.). "Trisagion" in the Greek liturgy is treated by H.J. Schultz, Die byzantinische Liturgie (Freiburg 1964), pp. 46 ff.

14. Caspari, "Über den gottesdiestlichen Gebrauch," pp.466 ff. J. Brinktrine, Die feierliche Papstmesse und die Zeremonien bei Selig -und Heiligsprechungen (Freiburg 1925), pp. 14 ff.

15. Sacramentarium Fuldense, Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, cod. theol. 231; ed. by A. Richter and A. Schönfelder (Fulda 1912), p. 339.

16. Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana Z 52 sup., according to Caspari, p. 483, n. 18.

17. Cf. G. Iversen, Tropes de l' Agnus Dei, Corpus Troporum 4 (Stockholm 1980), pp. 30, 59 ff., 293 f. and pls. 1-4; C.M. Atkinson, " 'O amnos tu theu': The Greek Agnus dei in the Roman Liturgy from the Eighth to the Eleventh Century," Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 65 (1981), 7-30.

18. In the Latin liturgy for 6 January, there are two such Hodie antiphons, translated from Greek (or composed in CΗΜΕΡΟΝ style), which function as synopses of the ancient threefold significance of the Eriphany:

Ad Magnificat antiphona:

            Tribus miraculis ornatum diem sanctum colinus

            hodie stella magos duxit ad praesepium

            hodie vinum ex aqua factum est ad nuptias

hodie a Ioanne Christus baptizari voluit

ut salvaret nos.

[We honor the holy day, adorned by three miracles; today the star led the Magi to the manger; today water was turned into wine at the wedding; today Christ wished to be baptized by John, that we might be saved.]

While the Magnificat antiphon enumerates the three the three mysreries commemorated on this day in the form of a three-tiered illumination, the Benedictus antiphon   unites the three motifs in a new "typological" interpretation. Through its magnificent rhythms, thiw antiphon also produced a new linguistic harmony:

Ad Benedictus antiphona:

            Hodie caelesti sponso iuncta est ecclesia

            quoniam in Iordane lavit Christus eius crimina

            currunt cum muneribus  magi ad regales nuptias

            et ex aqua facto vino laetantur convivae.

[Today the church is united with the heavenly bridegroom because Christ washed away its sins in the Jordan; the Magi hasten with gifts to the regal wedding; and the guests rejoice in the water made wine.]

Cf. Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, III, nos. 5184 and 3095; Baumstark, in Die Kirchenmusik 10 (1909), 153-60, and Oriens Christianus III/11 (1936), 163 ff.; Wellesz, Eastern Elements, pp. 141-49; W, Nyssen, tribus miraculis (privately printed, Cologne 1971).

19. Manchester, John Rylands Library Pap. 470; still described as a "Christian prayer" by C.H.Roberts, Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library (Manchester 1938), III, no. 470, pp. 46 f.; identified by F. Mercenier, "L'antienne Mariale Grecque la plus ancienne," Le Muséon 52 (1939), 229-35. A more recent bibliography in Barré, Prières anciennes, p.20. Cf. Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, III, no. 5041. On the Madonna of Mercy, see C. Belting-Ihm, "Sub matris tutela," Abh. Heidelberg (1976).

20. A.-G. Martimort, "Origine et signification de l' alléluia de la messe romaine, " Kyriakon, Festschrift Hohannes Quasten (Münster 1970), II, 811-34.

21. Hesbert, Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, IV, no 6444, -L.Brou, "L'alléluia gréco-latin 'Dies sanctificatus,' " Revue Grégorienne 23 (1938) and 24 (1939), passim. Wellesz, Eastern Elements, pp. 36-44.

22. On the Latin translation of the Hymnos Akathistos, see Chapter VIII under St. Denis. On the Grates nunc omnes as a contrafactum of a stanza by Romanos Melodos see H. Spanke, "Aus der Vorgeschichte und Frühgeschichte der Sequenz,"Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 71 (1934), 1-39, here p. 23. See Chapter ΧΙ concerning Greek in the Beneventan liturgy.

23. "Ordo XLI," Μ. Andrieu, Les Ordines Romani du Haut Moyen Age (Louvain 1956), IV, 319 f. (he proposes a Celtic origin for the rite).

24. Migne PL 131 cols. 850 f

25.  F. Dornseiff, Das Alphabet in Mystik und Magie, 2nd ed. (Leipzig/Berlin 1925), esp. pp. 19f. and 74 f.

26. Plato latinus, IV, 28, line 12.

27. C. Vogel and R. Elze, Le Pontificαl Romano-Germαnique du Xe siècle (Rome 1963), Ι, 136.

28. Ostrogorsky, in ΒΖ 46 (1953), 157 (rev. of Ohnsorge, Dαs Zweikaiserproblem).

29. Registrum Gregorii ΙΙΙ 63, MGH Epistolαe Ι, 225.

30. Nicholas Ι, epist. 88 (to Emperor Michael ΙΙΙ, in 865), ed. Ε. Perels, MGH Epistolae, VI, 459 f. According to Perels, Anastasius Bibliothecarius was the pope's secretary: Papst Nikolaus Ι. und Anastasius Bibliothecarius (Berlin 1920), pp. 248 f and 307.

31. Classen, in Kαrl der Große, Ι, 606. Beck, Kirche und theologische Literatur, pp. 306 ff.; his summary of the history of the filioque dispute is brief and informative.

32. "Tercia ordinacio est quod quicunque plus quam unum filium habuerit, alterum ad scolas ponere teneatur, latinis litteris imbuendum; et nisi quod littera greca una de princip(al)ibus tribus extat, quibus tripliciter crucifixi domini nostri titulus est inscriptus, consulerem salubriter, prout estimo, et prudenter ut omnino illa littera deleretur." "Brocardus," Directorium ad passagium faciendum, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Documents Arméniens (Paris 1906), ΙΙ, 471. According to the editors, the author was the archbishop of the Dominican Mission, William Adam, who also wrote the scarcely less chauvinistic and malicious De modo Sarracenos extirpandi (1316/18). Οn the author, see T. Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordines Praedicatorum Medii Aevi (Rome 1975) ΙΙ 81 f.

33. Isidore, Etymologiae Ι 3, 8-9. See below, Chapter VI, sec. 2. Οn the symbol Υ, see W. Harms, Homo viator in bivio. Studien zur Bildlichkeit des Weges (Munich 1970).

34. Cf. the comprehensive eight-page primer which Johann Froben printed for his son Johann Erasmus Froben (Basel 1516): ALPHABETUM GRAECUM. Orαtio dominica, Angelica  Salutatio, Symbolum Apostolorum, Christi Seruatoris apud Matthaeum evangeliographum decreta, cum hoc genus aliis, Graece et latine. In usum inventutis Graecarum adyta literarum subingressurae, with the father's beautiful preface (again repr. in A. Horawitz, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des Griechischen in Deutschland," Berliner Studien für classische Philologie und Archaeologie 1 [1884], 440). Numerous Alphabeta Graeca of the sixteenth century are mentioned by Wilhelm Meyer, Henricus Stephanus und die Regii Typi Graeci, Abh. Göttingen (1902).

35. Cf. Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Studien, ΙΙ, 255 ff.

36. L. Traube, Nomina Sacra. Versuch einer Geschichte der christlichen Kürzung (Munich 1907), pp. 161-64. W. Μ. Lindsay, Notae Lαtinae (Cambridge 1915), p. 403. Concerning such Grecistic formulations, οn the analogy of IHC and XPC , as spc and epc (spiritus, episcopus), see Traube, p. 166, and D. Bains, Α Supplement to Notae Latinae (Cambridge 1938), pp. 6 f.

37. Α representative example of writing Western names in Greek script is found in the docυment Wolfenbüttel, Niedersächsisches Staatsarchiv 6 Urk. 10, a copy from the high Middle Ages of a papyrus document of Pope John ΧΙΙ from 968, which the abbess from the Ottonian dynastic house had the pope issue to her as ΓΗΡΒΗΡΓE uenerαbili abbatisse. A facsimile in the exhibition catalogue Die Heiratsurkunde der Kaiserin Theophanu, p. 18.

38. Α famous Western scribal inscription in Greek script is Ο ΚΥΡΙC CΕΡΒΑΝΔΟC ΑΙΝΟlΗCΕΝ (the last word emended) in the "Codex Amiatinus," Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana Amiat. 1, fol 86v; facsimile in Κ. Zangemeister and W.Wattenbach, Exempla codicum latinorum litteris maiusculis scriptorum (Heidelberg 1876), pl. 35. Οn the much-discussed CEΡΒΑΝΔOC = Servandus, see most recently Ε. A. Lowe, English Uncial (Oxford 1960), pp. 10 ff.

39. Ιn Codex Messina, Biblioteca Universitaria gr. 112, saec. XIV, the Gospel of Mark is written in Sicilian dialect, with the Greek alphabet; cf. C.Tagliavini, Le origine delle lingue neolatine, 6th ed. (Bologna 1972), pp. 517 ff. (bibliog.). Reference from Helmut Berschin.

40. For examples of Greek quire signatures in Latin manuscripts of various periods, see: the "Codex Theodosianus," Vat. Reg. lat. 886 saec. VI (CLA, I 110); the two oldest manuscripts of John Scottus' ΠΕΡΙ ΦΥCΕΩC ΜΕΡΙCΜΟΥ, Reims 875 and Bamberg Philos. 2/1 [H.J. IV. 5], both saec. IX; the homilary Karlsruhe Aug. XVI, Reichenau saec. X1(A.Holder, Die Reichenauer Handschriften [Leibzig 1906], I, 46), whose quires probably received their Greek signatures on the model of the bilingual "Codex Paulinus Augiensis" (cf. M.R. James, The Western Manuscripts in the Library of Trinity College [Cambridge 1900], I 35); the Augustinian manuscript Orléans 163 (140) from Fleury, saec. XI (Catalogue Général, Départements [Paris 1889], 77).

41. Certainly too much significance is given the dedication rite when Dornseiff (Das Alphbet in Mystik und Magie, p. 74, n.2) remarks: "At various times during the Middle Ages, this prescription prevented the Greek alphabet from being forgotten in the West." On the epistola formata, see Chapter IV.

42. Traube, MGH Poetae, III, 822 ff., and Bischoff,  Mittelalteriche Studien, II, 253 ff., have collected the scattered traces of the Greek minuscule in the West up to the High Middle Ages. Addenda to that list are: a Greek minuscule alphabet of the eleventh century in the Pidmont school manuscript Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana M 79 sup., fol. 26r, and the most prominent example of Greek minuscule at thiw period, the majestas titulus of the "Codex Aureus Epternacensis" in the Germanisches National museum, Nuremberg; see below, Chapter X, sec. 5.

43. For this reason Bischoff also calls this ЭЄ "abendländisches M." It also occurs bisected as Э or Є for N. On ЭЄ in England, see Chapter VI.

44. Cf. Isidore, Etymologiae I 19, De figuris accentuum: "... ΔΑCΕΙΑ quod interpretatur aspiratio, id est ybi H littera poni debet, tali figura notatur ├ . ΨΙΛΗ quod interpretatur siccitas sive purum, id est ubi H littera wsse non debet, tali nota ostenditur ┤. Quorum duorum accentuum figuram Latini  ex ipsa littera aspirationis [H] fecerunt" ("... ΔΑCΕΙΑ, which is understood as an aspiration. i.e., where one should place an H, is marked by the symbol ├ . ΨΙΛΗ which is understood  as simple or plain, i.e.., where no H ought to be, is shown by the symbol ┤. The Latins derived the symbols for the two accents from the letter of aspiration [H]") According to Bischoff (Mittelalterliche Studien, II, 256,├ occurs until the twelfth century. -It is open to question whether the symbol Ŏ = ΟΥ). Cf. B. Bischoff, Paläographie des römischen Altertums und des abendländischen Mittekalters (Berlin 1979), p. 156. A very early example of Ŏ is found inh Abbeville, Bibliothèque Municipale 4, fol. 102r, where the ligature, hoeever, represents VO in QVONIAM QVIDEM; W. Köhler, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, vol. II: Die Hofschule Karls des Großen (Berlin 1958), pl. 40.

45. Pseudo- Philoxenus, ed. G. Goetz and G. Gundermann, Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum, II, 3-212, from Paris, BN lat.70651, saec. IX; see pp. VII-XIX on this manuscript and the lost manuscript from St. Germain. The "Greek" order of this glossary is noteworthy: A B G D ... ( ~ Α Β Γ Δ ...).

46.  On the "Hermeneumata," see Goetz in his article " Glossographie" in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie, VII/1, cols. 1437 f., and Marrou's very graphic presentation in Uistoire de l'éducation, pp. 386 f. On the survival of the "Hermeneumata" in the Middle Ages, see Bischoff, Mittelalteriche Studien, II, 261. The dialogue passages of the "Hermeneumata" were regularly leveled out to vocabulary lists by the medieval tradition; cf. Corpus Glossariorum, III 635-59: "Coloquia Quattuor emendata" (bibliog.) The "Hermeneumata Vaticana," which unfold a colorful vocabulary, conforming to the order of creation, had a Christian author (Corpus Glossariorum, III, 421-38). According to Traube (in BZ 3 [1894], 604 ff.; repr. Vorlesungen und Abhandlungen [Munich 1920], III, 205 ff.). thw author was "ein Spätling, ein Bücherwurm ... ein Ire" ("a latecomer, a bookworm ... an Irishman"). Yet his reasons for the attribution of the work to the early Middle Ages and especially to an Irishman are weal.

47. Bischoff, Mittelalterichen Studien, II, 271 frf.

48. A much discussed passage in Venantius Fortunatus gives a brief list of such Greek rhetorica: "Nam ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΜΑΤΑ, ΕΛΛΕΙΨΕΙC, ΔΙΑΙΡΕCΕΙC ΠΑΡΕΝΘΕCΕΙC et reliqιιa orationibus dialectici ... satagentes suis affectare syrmatibus soliti sunt adsuere vel proferre"; Vita S. Martini, Epistola ad Gregorium, MGH Auctores antiquissimi (1881), IV/1, 293.

49. Cf. the impressive theological vocabulary of Greek origin which Nicolas du Mortier collected and explained in his Etymologiαe Sacrae Graeco-Latinae (Rome 1703).

50. Cf Mittellateinisches Wörterbuch (Munich 1967), Ι, s.v. "anthropus."

51. Β. Schwineköper, Der Handschuh im Recht, Amterwesen, Brauch und Volksglαuben

(Berlin 1938), pp. 13 f.

52. Ο. Prinz., "Ζum Einfluß des Griechischen auf den Wortschatz des Mittelalters," Festschrift Bischoff, p. 3 and n.9 (bibliog.)

53. J. Schneider, "Gesellschaft und Sprache im Spiegel des mittellateinischen Wortschatzes," in V. Gortan and J. Schneider, eds., Zum Nachleben des Lateίnischen in der Feudalgesellschaft (Berlin 1969), pp. 17 f.

54. Ο. Prinz, "Mittelalterliches im Wortschatz der Annalen Bertholds von Reichenau," DA 30 (1974), 488-504, here p. 492.

55. Cf. Ρ. Lehmann, "Mittelalterliche Büchertitel," in Erforschung des Mittelalters (Stuttgart 1962), V, 1-93 passim. On Polypticum, etc., see the beginning of G. Roth's "Ρolyptychon der Abtei des heiligen Remigius" (diss., Βοnn 1917). There is no study which deals specifically with Greek book titles in the Middle Ages. For the ancient period, see K.E. Henrikson, Griechische Büchertitel in der römischen Literatur (Helsinki 1956).

56. One may refer to the appropriate articles of the Mittellateinisches Wörterbuch in particular; in general, to the comprehensive new survey by Kahane in the section "Sprache-Byzantinische Einflüsse im Westen" of the article "Abendland und Byzanz" in Reallexikon für Byzantinistik, Ι, cols. 345-498, esp. the "Katalog der Byzantinismen," cols. 366 ff.

57.  Prinz., Festschrift Bischoff, p.13.

58. De differentiis et societatibus graeci latinique verbi, ed. Η. Keil, Grammatici Latini, V. 595-655; cf. Bischoff; Mittelalterliche Studien, ΙΙ, 259. Brunhölzl (Geschichte der lateinischen  Literatur des  Mittelalters, p. 468) ascribes the excerpt to John Scottus; the ascription is, however, only a speculation (cf. Traube, "Ο Roma nobilis," p. 355). which must still be proved.

59. Macrobius remarks at the end of the section "De figuris" that there were practically no prepositions in (classical) Latin which, when linked to the verb, did not alter the meaning; on the other hand, a Greek verb with a prepositional prefix often meant the same as the verb without a prefix; ed. Keil, Grammatici Latini, V, 601. The tendency toward verbs with redundant prefixes (circιιm-ad-stare in the old Canon Missae!) is a well known development in the Latin of late antiquity and the Middle Ages: does it reflect colloquial speech, or is it a Greek influence?

60. Paris, ΒΝ lat. 528, fol. 134rv, ed. Η. Omont, Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 42 ... (1881), 126 f. The repository of the manuscript was St. Martial's in Limoges. Κ. Neff (Die Gedichte des Paulus Diaconus (Munich 1908], p. 58) conjectures that the text is evidence for Ρaulus Diaconus' Greek instruction at the court of Charlemagne: "Since the text is in accord with a considerable number of Paulus' poems, specifically with those which were written at Charlemagne's court, one can assιιme that its source was Paulus and his teaching." Bischoff argues, on the contrary (Mittelalterliche Studien, ΙΙ, 259): "Since the sole manuseript was written in St. Denis at the beginning of the ninth century, one might well consider the Greeks who were working for Hilduin to be its source." Which conjecture is the more daring?

61. From MS Laon 444, ed. Eckstein, Analecten zur Geschichte der Pädagogik, pp. 3-11; οn the sources and further dissemination of this so-called Greek "grammatical primer" of the Irish, see Bischoff, Mittelαlterliche Studien, ΙΙ, 259 f.and n. 76.

62. From MS Vienna 114, ed. Krause, Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft 5 (1956), 8-15.

63. W. Ο. Schmitt, "Lateinischer und griechischer 'Donatus,'"Philologus 123 (1979), 97-108.

64. "Quoniam uero compertum tibi dixisti me grecas litteras absque (ad)miniculo preceptoris adsecutum ... pandam tibi, quo pacto mediocrem huiusce linque peritiam adeptus sum. Psalteriιιm habui grecum mihi per religionis institutionem admodum familiare. Id igitur cum latino conferre incepi atque notare [tum] singula tum uerba, tum nomina et reliquas orationis partes, quidque singula significarent mandare memorie ac uim uerborum omnium tenere, quantum fas erat. Ibi profectus inicium sumpsi. Transiui deincepts ad euangelia, epistulas Pauli actusque apostolorum hisque familiariter obversatus sum; habent enim satis magnam uerborum copiam suntque omnia translata fideliter ac diligenter nec inconcinne. Postmodum uero et gentilium libros uidere uolui, eosque [haud]  facile intellexi ..." (to Francesco Coppola, podestà and capitano in Bologna); ed. L. Bertalot, "Zwölf Briefe des Ambrogio Traversari. "Römische Quartalschrift 29 (1915), *91-*106, here edited by Sabbadini (Il metodo degli umanisti, p.19), who emends the text drastically. And, without consideration of Sabbadini's conjectures, the text appears again in Bertalot's Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus (Rome 1975), I, 262.

65. The fame of having brought out the first printed catalogue of Greek manuscripts (in fact the first printed catalogue of manuscripts of any kind) belongw to the imperial city of Augsburg. The city council published the Catalogus graecorum manuscriptorum librorum Augustanae bibliothecae, compiled by Hironymus Wolf, in 1575.

66. See below, Chapter XI, n. 58.

67. I. Stone, "Libraries of the Greek Monasteries in Southern Italy," in J.W. Thompson,  The Medieval Library, 2nd ed. (New York 1957). pp. 330-37. Borsari, Il Monachesimo bizantino nella Sicilia e nell'Italia meridionale prenormanne, pp. 80-88.

68. P. Canart, "Le livre grec en Italie méridionale sous les règnes Normand et Souabe," Scrittura e Civiltà 2 (1978), 103-62. G. Cavallo, La cultura italo-greca nella produzione libraria," in I bizantini in Italia, ed. B. Pugliese Carratelli (Milan 1982), pp. 497-612.

69. Montfaucon, Palaeographia Graeca, pp. 214 f. In 1934 Bischoff rediscovered thw papyrus sheets which had disappeared into the library of the British collector Thomas Phillipps; cf. Bischoff, "Ein wiedergefundener Papyrus und die ältesten Handschriften der Schule von Tours," Mittelalterliche Studien, I, 6-16. After further wanderings through private collections, the papyri are now in Paris, BN suppl. gr. 1379. Cf. P. Gasnault and J. Vezin, Documents comptables de Saint-Martin de Tours à l'époque méerovingienne (Paris 1975), esp. pp. 20-22; "Les papyrus grecs" (rev. by F. Magistrale, Studi Medievali III/19 [1978], 1071-74).

70.M.R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College (Cambridge 1912) no. 183, pp. 439 f.; idem in The Library IV/7 (1927), 339. Bischoff, Mittelalterichen Studien, I, 209 (with new evidence).

Perhaps the now-fragmentary purple Psalter, written in gold and silver ink, Zurich, Zentralbibliothek RP 1; cf. K. Preisendanz, "Reginbert von der Reichenau," Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher (1952-53), 4 f.

72. Paris, BN gr. 437; H. Omont, "Manuscript des œuvres de S. Denys l' Aréopagite envoyé de Constantinople à Louis le Débonnaire," Revue des Études Grecques 17 (1904), 230-36 (with plate).

73. Wilhelmus Medicus brought the Dionysius manuscript BN gr. 933, from Constantinople to Paris around 1167. In the high Middle Ages, the evangelary BN gr.375, written around 1021 by a Greek in Cologne (?), also came to St. Denis (cf. below, n. 77). In 1408 Emperor Manuel II, in memory of his visit in 1401, had Manuel Chrysoloras present the monastery with a magnificent manuscript of the Areopagite's works (Paris, Musée du Louvre Ivoires A 53); cf. exhibition catalogue Byzance et la France médiévale, no 51, pp. 32 f. St. Denis also preserved the gamous papyrus letter of a Greek emperor from the ninth century (see below, Chapter VII, n. 49).

74.  The "Codex Simeonis," Trier Domschatz no. 72 (143 F), a Greek lectionary, "saec. X/XI mit lateinischen Beischriften, die zeigen daß es mindestens schon saec. XIII im Abendland war" ("of the tenth/eleventh century"); with Latin annotations, which show that it was already in the West by the thirteenth century"); Siegmund, Die Überlieferung, p. 29, n. 1. Yet R.M. Steininger (Codex S.Simeonis [trier 1834], p. XII) believed, on the basis of a dated entry, "circa finem saeculi XVI, codicem adhuc in Oriente fuisse" (" that the codex was still in the East around the end of the sixteenth century").

75. Vienna, theol. gr. 336. Siegmund (Die Überlieferung, p. 29) mistakenly lists the codex bilingual. A detailed evaluation in Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der illuminierten Handschriften in Österreich, VIII/4; P. Buberl and H. Gerstinger, Die byzantinischen Hanschriften (Leipzig 1938), II, 35-38 Bibliog.) In response to my inquiry, Professor Mazal and Dr. Irblich confirm that ΓΕΡΕΩΝ was not a later addition (for the name of another warrior-saint), and that the title page with the picture of St. Gereon was one of the original constituents of the manuscript.

76. The Greek Psalter Vat. Reg. gr. 13, which scholars have attributed to an Irishman of the tenth century (Η. Stevenson, Codices Manuscripti Graeci Reginae Svecorum, p. 9, and Schneider, in Biblica 30 [1949], 489-91), in fact turns out to be a Greek manuscript of a provincial type, probably written in the West; it was also used by the Latins by the twelfth century at the latest, but it is by no means an Irish product.

77.  Paris,  ΒΝ gr.  375,  fol.  193r  (διά  χειρός  Ηλίου  πρεσβυτέρου  και  μοναχού σπιλεότου). Various entries point to St.Denis as the repository, among them Odo divina permissione abbas beati Dinnysii in Francia and sanctus dionysius in runic script! The manuscript has been described by Montfaucon, Palαeogrαphia Graeca, pp. 292 f., and Η. Omont, Fac-similés des Manuscrits grecs datés de lα Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1890), pl. 14. Devreesse (Les manuscrits grecs de l'Italie méridionale, p. 33, n.g) considers the scribe to have been an Italo-Greek of the "Campanian School" and wonders whether the identification of κάστρο δε Κολονίας with Cologne is necessary. Οn Italo-Greek ornamentation, see most recently Grabar, Les manuscrits grecs, pp. 46 f. The manuscript has been at St. Denis since the high Middle Ages.

78. Μ.Α. James, The Western Manuscripts in the Library of Emmanuel College (Cambridqe 1904), pp. 133 ff. James' dating of the manuscripts to the twelfth century is difficult to understand.

79. Barbour, in The Bodleian Library Record 6 (1958), 401 ff.

80. James, "Greek Manuscripts in England before the Renaissance," The Library IV/7 (1927), 337-53; Stephens, "Greek Manuscripts in England during the Middle Ages," in The Knowledge of Greek in England in the Middle Ages (1933), pp. 118-30.

81. Οn eight of the Latino-Greek Codices Virgiliani, see R.Seider, "Beiträge zur Geschichte und Paläoqraphie der antiken Vergilhandschriften," in Studien zur antiken Epos, ed. Η. Görgemanns and Ε. Α. Schmidt (Meisenheim 1976), pp. 129-72, esp. 157 ff. Also taken into consideration are the editions which did not contain a running Vergil text, but rather only excerpted and glossed words and lexical groups bilingually. (Οn their significance in the history of education, see the remarks of V. Reichmann, Römische Literatur in griechischer Übersetzung [Leipzig 1943]). The corresponding numbers in CLA are: ΙΙ, 137 (Cambridge); ΙΙ, 227 and ΙΙΙ, 367 and Χ, p. 38 (Manchester, Milan, Cairo); ΙΙΙ, 290 (Florence); ΙΙΙ, 306 (Milan); Χ, 1522 (Vienna); Χ, 1570 (Cairo); ΧΙ, 1651 (Ε1 Cerrito, Calif); ΧΙ, 1652 (New York). Α ninth Vergilius Latino-graecus from the Egyptian Museum of the Berlin Stiftung Preußischer Kulturbesitz is discussed by Η. Maehler, "Zweisprachiger Aeneiscodex," Actes du XVe concrès internαtional de Pαpyroloqie (Brussels 1979), ΙΙ, 18-41 (bibliog.). Fragments of two bilingual papyrus codices of Cicero in CLA, ΙΙ, 224 and 226 (both Manchester).

82. Ιn making this statement, one must take into account the Eastern Empire's loss of Εgypt, which was the home of most Latino-Greek books of late antiquity (cf. Bataille, "Les glossaires grécο-latins," Recherches de papyrologie 4 pp. 161 ff.). The southeastern corner of the Mediterranean basin retained its multilingual character; see, for example, the fourteenth-century pentaglott Psalter of the monastery of St. Macarius in the Desert of Sketis, which combines texts in Ethiopian, Syrian, Bohairic, Arabic, and Armenian, in five parallel columns, into a genuinely pentecostal page format (now Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana Barb. or. 2; facsimile in the exhibition catalogue Il libro della Biblia [Rome 1972], pl. 45). The Latin and Greek traditions were clearly ruptured in that geographical area by Islam.

83. Siegmund (Die Überlieferung, pp. 24-32) presents an overview of the bilingual biblical manuscripts up to the twelfth century; οn the bilingual Psalters, see Allgeier, in Biblica 24 (1943), 263 f., and Schneider, in Biblica 30 (1949), 479 ff., who presents supplementary material. Νο comprehensive and reliable list exists. Rahlfs (Verzeichnis der griechischen Handschriften des alten Testaments) describes the Greco-Latin Psalters in the entries for their respective libraries. Α historical study of the Pauline bilinguals is presented by Frede's Altlateinische Ραulus-Handschriften. Οn Dionysius Exiguus' bilingual collection of canon law, see Chapter IV.

84. Up until now, however, the late medieval bilingual of the Acts of the Apostles in Cod. Vat. Ottobon. gr. 258 has not been taken into account; cf. Ε. Feron and F. Battaglini, Codices manuscripti graeci Ottoboniαni (Rome 1893), p. 145.

85. The "Codex Claromontanus" is Paris, BN gr. 107 and 107A and 107B. A fragment is in the Stadtarchiv in Mengerighausen (Waldeck), ed. V.Schultze, Codex Waldeccensis [Munich 1904]; cf. Frede, Altlateinische Paulus-Handschriften, pp. 47 f.

86. Vat. Ottobon, gr. 258; cf. Feron and Battaglini (as in n. 84). Allgeier (in Biblica 24 [1943], 263) dates it saec. XIV; likewise, the opinion of Professor Elze in Rome is "in Keinem Fall humanistisch" (information supplied to me through the good offices of Dr. Goldbrunner).

87.  On Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana Cod. Plut. XVII 13, see Schneider, in Biblica  30 (1949), 486 f. In addition to the supplement containing the Cantica, the codex includes Greek translation of Latin prayers (such as Ave Maria and Salve Regina) from the high Middle Ages.

88. Vat. Urb.lat. 9, described by c. Stornajolo, Codices Urbinates Latini (Rome 1902), I, 16.

89. On the change of opinion concerning the bilinguals, see Allgeier, in Biblica 24 (1943), 264 f.: "The mere existence of these MSS, as well as their number and the fact that they extend from the sixth century up to the high Middle Ages and are distributed throughout Western Europe, tells an important story in itself. Their significance becomes clear, however, only when examines their historical function. Thiw questio interested earlier scholars very little; their major interest was in the importance of the MSS for textual criticism. One tried to get as close to the oldest form of the sacred text as possible ... Paul de Lagarde undertook the collation of the Bamberg and later the Basel Psalter with high expectations. Indeed later, A, Rahlfs, while he was collating for the Göttingen Septuagint, finally acknowledged his resignation to the fact that the variants contributed so little to the objective envisioned for them that he omitted them from the apparatus. Precisely those characteristics of the bilinguals which render them of little value for the textual critic make them valuable for the textual historian and present a first-class source for the scholar who wishes to trace the distribution of the knowledge of Greek in the Latin west before the humanistic period. Yet one must try to judge the bilinguals with the standards of their times. There is no evidence that they aimed at a modern form of Septuagint scholarship. On the other hand, the bilinguals had their place in the schools, in theological studies, and in language study." One must add and in their representational character.

90.  Vienna. Österreichsche Nationalbibliothek theol. gr, 137, saec. XI, two columns: on the left the Greek translation by Pope Zacharias in Greek minuscule, on the right the Latin original og Gregory the Great in Beneventan script; according to G. Cavallo, from Dalmatia.

91. Cf. F. Dölger, Facsimiles byzantinischer Kaiserurkunden (Munich 1931).