On Line Library of the Church of Greece

NOTES

1. On the liturgy and the law, see C. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies (Princeton 1957), pp.'87 ff. According to Troje, there is "reason to suspect that the Greek element in all its manίfestations somehow went against the nature of the Bolognese type of lawyer that prevailed in Italy" (Graeca leguntur, p. 289). Another of his interpretations is clearly untenable: "It was the Bolognese teachers who first eliminated the Greek element from their education without making a secret of it" (Graeca leguntur, pp. 291f. ); for Bologna was never a place where Greek played any important role, and thus it could not be "eliminated" here. Probabίlίty and improbabilities are similarly close together in Troje's work Europa und griechisches Recht, which has the merit of calling attention to many an implication of basic legal understanding -for instance the initial sentence of Justinian's Digests, where lawyers are compared with priests ("sacerdotes ... veram nisi fallor philosophiam ... affectantes"; D. 1, 1, 1.

2. Thus the title to the translation of Leo of Achrida's letter does not say more than that Humbert applied himsef  to the translatίon: "Haec quidem calumnia graeco sermone edita ... cum fuisset Trani exhibita fratri Humberto ... episcopo in latinum est translata eius studio et delata domino papae Leoni nono" (Hoesch, Die kanonischen Quellen im Werk Humberts, p, 13; Hagen, Catalogus Codicum Bernensium, p. 312). Here one might compare the tenor of such a tίtle when it introduces one of Humbert's own works (dialogue between a Roman and a Constantinopolitan): "responsio ... instar dialogi ab ipso latine conscripta." The title to Humbert's response to Nicetas Stethatus in Cod. Bern. 292 is similar.

3. "Illud etiam erat in eo admirandum quod ultra quinquagenarius tanto fervebat studio, ut divinarum lectionem scripturarum Graeco addisceret eloquio" ("And this was to be admired in him, that even beyond the age of fifty he burned with such zeal that he learned to read the Holy Scriptures in Greek"); Vita Leonis Papae 6 (28), Acta SS April. (Antwerp 1685), ΙΙ, 664. According to the comprehensive examination of the manuscripts 6y N. Tritz, the vita is to be ascribed to Humbert of Silva Candida, in "Die hagiographischen Quellen zur Geschichte Papst Leos ΙX," Studi Gregoriani 4 (1952), 191-364, esp. 229 f ; in opposition, see N.-G. Krause, "Über den Verfasser der Vita Leonis ΙX papae," DA 32 (1976), pp. 49-77.

4. Bernold, Chronicon ad a. 1085, MGH Scriptores, V, 444. Ιn his tenth polemical treatise, Bernold gives interesting advice on the comparison of various translations of conciliar acts: De excommunicatis vitandis, c. 43, MGH Libelli de lite (1892), ΙΙ, 131.

5.  Wattenbach and Holtzmann, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, 2nd ed. (1948), fasc. 3, 528.

6. Lamma, Comneni e Staufer, 2 vols. (Rome 1955-57). Cf. P. Classen, "La politica di Manuele Comneno tra Federico Barbarossa e le città italiane," in Popolo e Stato in Italia nell'età di Federico Barbarossa. Relazioni e communicazioni a1 XXXΙΙΙ Congresso Storico Subalpino Alessandria 1968 (Turin 1970), pp. 265-79.

7. On the Psalter, Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana 323, see N. Buchthal, Miniature Painting in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford 1957), pp. 39-46 and 143 f, here p. 46. "The most likely person to have commissioned it is of course the Emperor Frederick himself, .... intended as a wedding present, to be sent to Worms, to remind the Emperor's English bride [Isabella, m. 1235] as well as his German subjects, of his outstanding success as the protector of the Holy Sepulchre" (p. 41). A kind of French "colonial style" was dominant in Acre, on the other hand, especially in the last phase; cf. J. Folda, Crusader Μanuscript Illumination at Saint-Jean d' Acre, 1275-1291 (Princeton 1976).

8. N. Prutz, "Studien über Wilhelm von Tyrus," NA 8 (1883), 93-132, here p. 96.

9. Haskins, "Translators in Syria during the Crusades," Mediaeval Science, pp. 130-40 and p. xii. On Stephan of Antioch see also below, p. (000) and (n. 84.) On Philip of Tripoli see most recently Μ. A. Manzalaoui, "Philip of Tripoli and His Textual Methods," in W. F. Ryan and C. B. Schmitt, eds., Pseudo-Aristotle, The 'Secret of Secrets': Sources and Ιnfluences (London 1982), pp. 55-72.

10. ". . . gratissimo vultu puer Ihesus refulgens umbilicotenus cernitur esse depictus, ad sinistram vero ipsius mater, ad dextram autem Gabriel archangelus illam notam depromens salutationem: Ave, Maria, gratia plena, Dominus tecum, benedicta in mulieribus et benedictus fructus ventris tui. Hec salutatio tam Latine quam Grece circa ipsum Dominum Christum descripta est" ("... the boy Jesus, shining in his most pleasing face, was seen to be depicted in a bust-portrait, his mother on his right, the archangel Gabriel on his left, saying the famous salutation: 'Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with you, blessed are you among women and blessed the fruit of your womb.' This salutation was written in Latin and Greek around our Lord Christ himself"); Libellus de locis sanctis 6, ed. Μ. L. and W. Bulst (Heidelberg 1976), p. 15.

11. Ed. by G. Constable, The Letters of Peter the Venerable (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), Ι, no. 75, pp. 208 f; and also the letter to the patriarch of Constantinople, no. 76, pp. 209 f. L. Gay deals with nothing beyond these two letters in "L'abbaye de Cluny et Byzance au début du XIIIe siècle,"Échos d'Orient 30 (1931), 84-90.

12. Von den Brincken, Nationes Christianorum Orientalium, p. 27.

13. Migne PL 193, col. 547.

14. Théry, Studia Medievalia in honorem R. J. Martin (Bruges 1948), p. 366.

15. Robert of Melun, Sententiae, ed. R. Μ. Martin, œuvres de Robert de Melun (Louvain 1947, ΙΙΙ/ 1, 36 ff. Hugh of Folietum (Fouilloy), De claustro animae IV, prol. (Migne PL 176, col. 1131).

16. Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur, ΙΙΙ, 239 f. and 533 f. T. Gregory, Platonismo medievale (Rome 1958), pp. 31 ff.: "La dottrina del peccato originale e il realismo platonico: Oddone di Tournai" bibliog.).

17. One monk was a contemporary of Odo of Tournai Hugo of Flavigny (1065-ca 1 1114), who left traces of an interest in Greek in the autograph of his chronicle. At his time and in his geographical area (the general vicinity of Verdun), they are surprising: the Greek alphabet, the Greek paternoster in majuscules, with a minuscule version underneath; in Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek Phill. 1870, fol. 1^r and 1^v; cf. V. Rose, Verzeichniss der lateinischen Handschriften I 321.

18. For example, Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 2318, with Aristotle's Physica, De caelo, and De generatione in Gerard of Cremona's Arabo-Latin translation, to which the corresponding Greco-Latin translation ίs added, page for page, in place of a commentary; Aristoteles latinus, Codices, Ι, 286 f. See also the exhibition catalogue Wissenschaft im Mittelalter, pp. 214 f

19. On the Latin lexicographical tradition, see Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur, ΙΙ, 717 ff. (Papias), and ΙΙΙ, 187 ff. (Osbern, Hugutio); Κ. Grubmüller, Vocabularius Ex quo (Munich 1967), pp. 13-44 (bibliog.; see also R. W. Hunt, "Studies on Priscian in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Ι-ΙΙ," Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 1 [1943], 194-231, and 2 [1950], 1-56, and "Hugutio and Petrus Helias," Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 2 [1950], 174-78).

20. Hofmeister, "Der Übersetzer Johannes und das Geschlecht Comitis Mauronis in Amalfi," Historische Vierteljahrschrift 27 (1932); A. Michel  Amalfi und Jerusalem im griechischen Kirchenstreit (1054-1090) (Rome 1939); N. Μ. Willard, Abbot Desiderius and the Ties between Montecassino and Amalfi in the Eleventh Century (Monte Cassino 1973); U. Schwarz, Amalfi im frühen Mίttelalter (Tübingen 1978).

21. A. Pertusi, "Nuovi documenti sui Benedittini Amalfitani dell'Athos," Aevum 27 (1953), 400-429;  in expanded form: "Monasteri e monaci italiani all'Athos nell'alto medioevo," in Le Millénaire du Μont Athos, I, 217-51.

22. Only the prologue has been edited: AB 9 (1890), 202 f. Cf. Siegmund, Die Überlieferung, pp. 270 ff.; see also W.von Rintelen, Kultgeographische Studien in der Italia Byzantina (Meisenheim 1968), p. 45.

23. The motivatίon for the discovery of the translators' school in Amalfi came from Μ. Hoferer's "Schulprogramm": Ioannis Monachi Liber de Miraculis, (Aschaffenburg 1884; printed in Würzburg). To be sure, Hoferer was in doubt about the provenance of the text which he was editing and erred toto caelo in dating it. Only the remarks concerning the translator-Latin are still of some value in Hoferer's "Schulprogramm." Otherwise, his work has been replaced by Huber, Johannes Monachus: Liber de Miraculis (Heidelberg 1913), whose conclusions are further refined in a historical and genealogical sense by Hofmeister, in Historische Vierteljahrschrift 27 (1932).

24. G. Matthiae, Le porte bronzee bizantine in Italia (Rome 1971). N. Belting, "Byzantine Art among Greeks and Latins in Southern Italy," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 28 (1974).

25. Prologue, ed. Hofmeister, in Münchener Museum 4 (1924), 138 ff.; also in Huber, Johannes Monachus, p. xviii. Huber extracts from the prologue (p. xix) the "following points for our Johannes Monachus: by birth he most certainly came from Amalfi, and by profession from one of the monasteries in the area of this city, which was of such great importance at that time: it matters little whether one prefers the somewhat closer monastery of the Holy Trinity in Cava (founded ca. 990) or the monastery of St. Severin in Naples." According to Huber, the monastery, Panagiotum, was "the monastery of Panagia near Constantinople" (p. xxii). On the dating of the text, see Schwarz, Amalfi, p.69, n. 4.

26. Johannes Monachus, Liber de Miraculis, ed. Huber, pp. 1f.

27. Hofmeister,  in Münchener Museum,  4,  pp.  135 f. Also in Huber, Johannes Monachus, p. xvii.

28. Ιn 1718, Emperor Charles VI transferred the manuscript from the monastery of St. Severin in Naples to the Vienna Hofbibliothek (Signature, lat. 739); in 1919 it was transferred back to Naples (Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale Ex Vindobonense lat. 15). Against the objection of the Greifswald professor (Hofmeister, in Münchener Museum, 4  p. 148, n. 1), the opinion of the Bohemian Benedictine (Huber, Johannes Monachus, p. xiv) is to be maintained, that Marinulus is the name of the codex. One might compare here the ancient name Martinellus for the collection of works on Martin. On the manuscript, see most recently Schwarz, Amalfi, pp. 80 f.

29. Hofmeister (in Münchener Museum 4, pp. 133 f. and 141f.) refers to a Vita S. Iohannis Calybitae, which is not identical with Anastasius Bibliothecarius' translation, and to Anastasius Bibliothecarius' revision of a translation of the Vita S. Iohannis Eleemosynarii. Both texts are in Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale Ex Vindobonense lat. 15.

30. Ιn 1177, Pope Alexander ΙΙΙ sent his physician, Philippus, on a journey to the legendary priest-king with a letter full of papal aplomb (ed. F. Zarncke, "Der Priester Johannes," Abh. Leipzig 7 [1879] 115-18. A physician by the name of Nicholas delivered the bilingual epistle (from 1199 of Emperor Alexius ΙΙΙ to the commune of Genoa; preserved in the city archive of Genoa, Mat. Polit. N. g. 2727, Parte Ι, C.; cf. Dölger, Facsimiles byzantinischer Kaiserurkunden (1931), no. 8.

31. Kristeller, "The School of Salerno," in Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome 1956), 495-551; "Nuove fonti per la medicina salernitana del secolo XΙΙ," Rassegna storica Salernitana 18 (1957), 61-75; "Bartholomaeus, Musandinus and Maurus of Salerno and Other Early Commentators of the 'Articella,' with a Tentative List of Texts and Μanuscripts," Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 19 (1976), 57-87; "Philosophy and Medicine in Medieval and Renaissance Italy," in Organism, Medicine, and Metaphysics, ed. S. F. Spicker (Dordrecht 1978), pp. 29-40. G. Baader, "Die Anfänge der medizinischen Ausbildung im Abendland bis 1100," in La Scuola nell'Occidente latino dell'Alto Medioevo (Spoleto 1972), pp. 669-718.

32. C. Holzinger still edited the Nemesius translation as the work of an anonymous translator (Leipzig/Prague 1887). Several reviews of this edition promoted the matter so effectively (for instance, by referring to a tradition with the name of the translator) that a new edition became justifiable: C. Burkhard, Nemesii episcopi Premnon Physicon ... a N. Alfano archiepiscopo Salerni in latinum translatus (Leipzig 1917); the necessary bibliographical references are found on pp. x f.; only one is absent -the one who first recognized and appreciated Alfanus' full significance: Ernest Renan, Mélanges religieux et historiques (Paris 1904), esp. p. 348 (originally, Journal des Savants [April 1851]). G. Verbeke and J. R. Μoncho make several observations on Alfanus in their new edition of Burgundio's translation (Leiden 1975), pp. lxxxvi-viii (without complete bibliographical information). Alfanus is not mentioned in Sicherl's analysis of the third, humanistic translation of Nemesius, in Johannes Cuno, pp. 139-42. A novelettish biography may be found in the Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (1960), ΙΙ. 253-57. A thorough monographic study is a desideratum.

33. Schipperges, Die Assimilation der arabischen Medizin, pp. 17-49; G. Baader, "Zur Terminologie des Constantinus Africanus," Medizinhistorisches Journal 2 (1967), 36-53.

34. P. O. Kristeller, "Beitrag der Schule von Salerno zur Entwicklung der scholastischen Wissenschaft im 12. Jh.," in Artes liberales, ed. J. Koch (Leiden/Cologne 1959), pp. 84-90, here p. 88. Birkenmajer, "Le rôle joué par les médecins et les naturalistes dans la réception d'Aristote au XIIe et XIIIe siècles," in La Pologne au VIe Congrès International des Sciences Historiques (Warsaw/Lemberg 1930), pp. 1-15. This rather inaccessible publication has been reprinted in Birkenmajer, Études d'histoire des sciences et de la philosophie du moyen âge (Breslau/Warsaw/Cracow 1970), pp. 73-87.

35. Paléographie Musicale, XIV, 296 ff.; Wellesz, Eastern Elements, pp. 25 f On the history of the "Adoratio crucis," see J. Drumbl, "Zweisprachige Antiphonen zur Kreuz-verehrung," Italia Medioevale e Umanistica 19 (1976), 41-55. On the older Beneventan Graecolatina, see Chapters VI and ΙX.

36. Paléographie Musicale, XIV, 306 f cf.Wellesz, Eastern Elements, pp. 68-77, here pp. 72 f. The Greek text is transmitted (in Latin transcription) only in MS Benevento VI.38; on the other hand, the Latin translation is transmitted in a small group of graduals from Benevento and two missals from elsewhere. The text and notation here are from Hesbert's standard publication in the Paléographie Musicale.

37. Cagin, Te Deum, pp. ι6ι ff.

38. Bloch, "Monte Cassino, Byzantium and the West in the Earlier Middle Ages," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 (1946), 163-224. The most important source is the chronicle of Monte Cassino, MGH Scriptores, XXXIV (1980). See also N. Hoffmann, "Studien zur Chronik von Montecassino," DA 29 1973), 59-162; idem, "Stilistische Tradition in der Klosterchronik von Montecassino," in Mittelalterliche Textüberlieferung und ihre kritische Aufarbeitung. Beiträge der MGH zum 31. Deutschen Historikertag (Munich 1976); p.32 of this work includes a facsimile of one page from the autograph of the chronicle, where one can also see how the Graeca were inserted: "Hic arichis intra menia beneventi templum domino opulentissimum ac decentissimum condidit quod greco uocabulo ΑΓΗΑΝ CΩΦHΑN· id est sanctam sapientiam nominauit " ("Within the walls of Benevento, this Arichis built a most sumptious and handsome church for the Lord which was given the Greek name 'Hagia Sophia,' that is, 'Ηoly Wisdom"').

39. Carm. 54, 29-36, ed. A. Lentini and F. Avagliano, 1 Carmi di Alfano 1, Arcivescovo di Salerno (Monte Cassino 1974), p. 218.

40. Siegmund (Die Überlieferung, p. 263, n. 1) speaks of a "Passio Eustathii, die von Joh. Subd. Cassin. übersetzt wurde, ex praecepto abbatis Desiderii, wie in Benev. ΙΙΙ s. XΙ steht."

41. C. Caspar, Petrus Diaconus und die Monte Cassineser Fälschungen (Berlin 1909). Manitius, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur, ΙΙΙ, 546 ff.; Bloch, in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 3 (1946), 192 f and 223 f.

42. "Cum ergo perfecto libello legisset Grosolanus illum ante imperatorem, affuerunt etiam Graeci cum septem suis libellis. Quibus imperator perspectis coepit conquerendo dicere: Olim sapientia deducta est de Oriente in Occidentem a Graecis ad Latinos. Nunc e contrario de Occidente in Orientem Latinus veniens descendit ad Graecos." A. Amelli, Due sermoni inediti di Pietro Grosolano, Fontes Ambrosiani 6 (Florence 1933, pp. 35 f.

43. N. Kretschmayr, Geschichte von Venetig (Gotha 1905), Ι, 154.

44. Minio-Paluello, Opuscula, pp. 178-88, 189-228, 383-87. 565-86: Pertusi, in Dante e la Cultura Veneta (Florence 1966), p. 173; Aristoteles latinus (1968), IV/1 and (1970), XXV/1.

45. See the survey of Boethius' translations from the Organon above in Chapter V.

46. A. Pelzer, in Revue d'Histoire Ecclesiastique 43 (1948). 384 f. On the adventurous life of Cerbanus, see Pertιιsi, in Dante e !a Cultura Veneta, pp. 166-72.

47. Ed. by A. Terebessy, Translatio latina S. Maximi Confessoris [De caritate ad Elpidium lib. 1-IV) saec. XΙΙ in Hungaria confecta, Μagyar-Görög Tanulmáyok 25 (Budapest 1944). On Greek monasteries in Hungary and their Latinization since the end of the twelfth century (Pásztó was, for example, already Cistercian by 1190), see G. Moravcsik, Byzantium and the Magyars (Amsterdam 1970), pp. 109 ff.

48.  Bonizo of Sutri, Liber de vita christiana VII 1, ed. C. Perels (Berlin 1930), p. 233; W. Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri (Berlin/New York 1972), p. 113, n. 511.

49. R. Janin. La Géographie Ecclésiastique de l'Empire Byzantin, Ι/3, and ed. (Paris 1969), pp. 569-93.

50. Ιn the state archives of Pisa, one of these impressive documents is preserved: a Greek chrysobull of Emperor Isaac Angelus for Pisa in the year 1192 and including a Latin authenticum, ed. G. Müller, Documenti sulle Relazioni delle Città Toscane coll'Oriente Cristiano e coi Turchi (Florence 1879), pp. 40-58. On "Scambi diplomatici, commerciali e cultιιrali tra Bisanzio e le repubbliche marinare italiane," see Lamma, Comneni e Staufer, ΙΙ, 184 ff.

51. De processioιne spiritus sancti contra Graecos, ed. A. Amelli, Due sermoni, pp. 14-35; Beck, Kirche und theologische Lίteratur, pp. 312 f.; Haskins, Mediaeval Culture, pp. 163-65.

52. Amelli, Due serιnnni, p. 35, n. 1.

53. Dialogi ΙΙ 1 (Migne PL 188, col. 1163).

54. Migne PL 188, col. 1164.

55. Dialogi ΙΙΙ 22 (Migne PL 188 col. 1248).

56. Beck, Kirche und theologische Literatur, p. 626 (bibliog.).

57. G. Cremaschi, Μosè del Brolo e la cultura a Bergamo nei secoli XΙ-XΙΙ (Bergamo 1945); Manitiιιs, Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur ΙΙΙ, 683-87.

58. This information is found, along with many other important details in cultural history, in Moses' letter (preserved in the original, probably a. 1130) to his brother, Prior Peter of St. Alexander near Bergamo, ed. Cremaschi, Μosè del Brolo, pp. 142-47 (with a facsimile). The passage about the Greek books reads (according to the facsimile): "... contigit in hoc anno ... regionem Ueneticorum nobis uicinam penitus incendio deflagrari, ubi cuncta mea preter equitaturas et indumenta deposita fuerant. Combusti sunt igitur omnes libri greci quos multo dudum labore quesiueram precii xi [!] librarum auri ..." ("... it happened in this year ... that the Venetian territory bordering on ours was completely destroyed by fire; all my possessions were deposited there except for my mounts and my clothing. Thus all the Greek books, which Ι bought some time ago at the price of eleven pounds of gold, have been consumed by the flames ...").

59. Edited in Pitra's Analecta Sacra, V (1888) -as the work of an anonymous Irishman from the schcool of John Scottus!- then by Gustavson in the Acta Societas Fennicae 22 (1897), as an anonymous work of the twelfth century, and finally, after Haskins had restored the work to its author (in Mediaeval Science, pp. 197 ff.), by Cremaschi, Μosè, pp. 163-95.

60. Found by Haskins in MS Nîmes 52; only the prologue has been edited, in Mediaeval Science, pp. 201 f.

61. Ed. by Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 203-6; Cremaschi, Mosè, pp. 197-200. The letter was written ex Datia; on this point, Haskins: "The mention of Dacia would seem to point to the Danubian campaigns of John Comnenus in 1128, on which Moses may have accompanied him in some secretarial position such as he seems to have held at the court."

62. The most recent edition by G. Gorni, "Ιl Liber Perxaminus' di Mosè de Brolo," Studi Medievali ΙΙΙ/11 (197o), pp. 409-60.

63. Haskins, Mediaeval Science, p. 206.

64. Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 218-21; Haskins, "Pascalis Romanus," Byzantion 2 (1925), 231-36.

65. Ed. by Franceschini, in Studi e Note di Filologia Latina Medievale (Milan 1938).

66. Ed. by L. Delatte, Textes latins et vieux français relatifs aux Cyranides (Liège/Paris 1942), pp. 1-206. The author is designated PA, which is generally resolved as Pascalis. D. Kaimakis, Die Kyraniden (Cyranides) (Meisenheim 1976).

67.  Ed. by S. Collin-Roset, AHDL 30 (1963), 111-98.

68. Fιιndamental informatinn on the life and work is found in A. Dondaine, AHDL 19 (1952), 67-134.

69. P. Classen, "Das Konzil von Konstantinopel 1166 und dei Lateiner," BΖ 48 (1955), 339-68; see also A. Dondaine, "Hugues Èthérien et le concile de Constantinople de 1166,"  Historisches Jahrbuch 77 (1958), 473-83.

70. The text of the dedication is edited by Haskins, Mediaeval Science, p. 217. On the date, see Dondaine, AHDL 19 (1952), p. 122.

71. A. Strittmatter, "Notes on Leo Tuscus' Translation of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom," Didascaliae, Festschrift A. Μ. Albareda (New York 1961), pp. 409-24. Strittmatter edited an older translation of both the Chrysostoman and the Basilian liturgy from the "Cistercian manιιscript" Paris, BN nouv. acq. lat. 1791, in Traditio 1 (1943), 79-137.

72. Ed. by V. Häring, "The 'Liber de Differentia naturae et personae' by Hugh Etherian and the Letters Addressed to Him by Peter of Vienna and Hugh of Honau," Mediaeval Studies 24 (1962), 1-34; on Peter of Vienna, see H. Fichtenau, "Magister Petrus von Wien," Beiträge zur Mediävistik. Ausgewählte Aufsätze (Stuttgart 1975), Ι, 218-38.

73. Ed. by V. Häring, in AHDL 29 (1962), 103-216.

74. Ed. by V. Härinx, in AHDL 34 (1967), 129-253, and 35 (1968), 211-95.

75. It has been in the cathedral treasury in Limburx an der Lahn since 1827. J. Rauch, Schenk zu Schweinsberg, and J. Μ. Wilm, "Die Limberger Staurothek," Das Münster 8 (1955), 200-40. The staιιrotheque of St. Matthias (St. Eucharius) in Trier is a replica of the staurotheque formerly from Stuben, now in Limburx; cf. the exhibition catalogue Rhein und Maas (Cologne 1972), p. 346 (bibliog.).

76. Thus Bishop Conrad describes in his donation to the Halberstadt Cathedral (16 Augιιst 1208) his acquisitions in Constantinople; ed. G. Schmidt, Urkundenbuch des Hochstifts Halberstadt und seiner Bischöfe (Leipzig 1883), Ι, 400-403, here p. 401 (B. Bischoff includes only an excerpt in Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse [Munich 1967], Ι, 150-52). The tragically entangled episcopate of Bishop Conrad, who remained loyal to the Hohenstaufen dynasty, resigned after the murder of Philip of Swabia, and withdrew into a Cistercian monastery, is descrihed in Gesta episcoporum Halberstadensium, MGH Scriptores, XXΙΙΙ, 78-123.

77. The celebration of the translation was established in the document of the year 1208 cited in note 76. On the preserved treasure, see J. Fleming, E. Lehmann, and E. Schubert, Dom und Domschatz zu Halherstadt (Berlin 1973); also see the exhibition catalogue Byzantinische Kostbarkeiten (Berlin 1977), pp. 23 f.and passim.

78. The passage is taken from the chronicle by Nicetas of Chonae (Choniates), ed. Ι. A. van Dieten, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, XΙ, 575-76 (Migne PG 139). A new Greek edition by J.-L. van Dieten, Nicetae Choniatae Historia (Berlin/New York 1975), vol. Ι.

79. Rudolf Borchardt, "Pisa," Prosa (Stuttgart 1960), ΙΙΙ, 114 ff.

80. V. Rose, Verzeichniss, ΙΙ/3, no. 898, p. 1061, at the description of Cod. lat. fol. 74. Cf.also Schipperges, Die Assimilation der arabischen Medizin, pp. 35-37.

81. Rose, Verzeichniss, ΙΙ/3, 1059 ff. Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 131-35.

82. It seems that Constantinus Africanus left the Practica incomplete. According to Rose (p. 1064), when Stephan of Pisa began to work on the text, he did not know the conclusion of the work by Johannes Agarenus. But is that a probable notion when the Pisan Rusticus worked together with Johannes Agarenus, and Stephan and Rusticus were both Pisans?

83. Rose, Verzeichniss, II/3, 1063.

84. Two  years before the appearance of Rose's descrintion of Berol. lat. fol. 74, which was fundamental with respect to the Pisan translator of Aristotle, Remigio Sabbadini had pointed out a manuscript of the Rhetorica ad Herennium in the Milanese Biblioteca Ambrosiana (E 7 sup.), which a certain Stephanus thesaurarius Antioche wrote in 1121; the numbers which he uses are of the Greek numerical system, although written in Roman letters ("Spogli ambrosiani latini,"Studi italiani di filologia classica 11 [1903], 272 f.; cf: F. Steffens, Lateinische Paläographie, 2nd ed. [Berlin 1929], pl. 83^c). According to R. W. Hunt, this system also attests to the writing of the Liber Mamonis in astronomia a Stephano philosopho translatus (cf.Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 98-103) by Stephan of Antioch; in "Stephan of Antioch," Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 2 (1950), pp. 172 f.

85. Classen, Burgundio, p. 5. Older surveys of the life and work are found in F. Buonamici, Burgundio Pisano, in Annali delle Università Toscane 28 (Pisa 1908); R. Mols, "Burgundio de Pise," Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Géographie Ecclésiastiques (Paris 1938), X, 1363-69; and F. Liotta, "Burgundione," Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (1972), XV, 423-28.

86. On a somewhat older partial translation, see the remarks in section 4 above on Cerbanιιs, and the literature cited there. On Burgundio's translation, see also L. Callari, "Contributo allo studio della versione di Burgundio Pisano del 'De orthodoxa fide' di Giovanni Damasceno,"Atti del R. Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, Classe di Scienze Morale e l.ettere 100 (1940-41), 197-246.

87. Burgundio, Prologus super opus beati Johannis Chrysostomi archiepiscopi CP. super Matthaeum, ed. C. Marténe and Μ. Durand, in Veterum Scriptorum ... Amplissima Collectio (Paris 1724), Ι, 817-19; also in S. Μ. Bandini, Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Mediceae Laurentianae (Florence 1777), IV, 450. On the translation, see Μ. Flecchia, in Aevum 26 (1952), P. 113-30. On Burgιιndio's translation of Basil the Great's commentary on Isaiah for Pope Eugenius ΙΙΙ and on a possible translation of Basil's homilies on the hexaemeron, see Classen, Burgundio, pp. 36 f. One would do well to take the old Latin translatinn by Eustathius into account in further discussions.

88. Némésius d'Émèse, De Natura Hominis. Traduction de Burgundio de Pise, ed. G. Verbeke and J. A. Moncho (Leiden 1975), pp. 1f. Before Burgundio, Alfanus of Salerno had translated it; Johannes Cuno worked on the translation after him (1511-12). The humanistic translation is stylistically better, but less faithful than Burgundio's; cf. Sicherl, Johannes Cuno, pp. 141f. According to Hugh of Honau, Liber de ignorantia X 30 (ed. N. Μ. Häring, in Mediaeval Studies 25 [1963], 220), Burgundio dedicated and presented his translation to Emperor Frederick, victo Mediolano et subacta Italia; cf.Classen, Burgundio, pp. 28 ff. and 74.

89. Burgundio translated some sections concerning wine-growing from the early Byzantine "Geoponica"; Buonamici edits copies of two codices with this Liber de vindemiis in the appendix to his treatise in Annali delle Università Toscane 28 (1908). On the source and further manιιscripts, see Classen, Burgundio  p.35, n.7.

90. Classen has edited the prologue to this translation, with detailed commentary, in Burgundio, pp. 84-102.

91. Burgundio did not know the commentary on John which Rupert of Deutz published around 1115. The works of the great German symbolist hardly became well known in Italy however; cf. H. Haacke, "Die Überlieferung der Schriften Ruperts von Deutz," DA 16 (1960), 397-436, with "Nachlese," DA 26 (1970), 528-40.

92. H. Dausend, "Zur Übersetzungsweise Burgundios von Pisa," Wiener Studien 35 (1913), 353-69: Classen, Burgundio pp. 54 ff. and 89 ff.

93. Most recently described by Classen Burgundio, pp.7 f. and p1. 1.

94. There is no critically certified list of Burgundio's translations. Haskins (Mediaeval Science, p. 208) speaks of ten translations of Galen, among them De sectis medicorum in 1185, dedicated to Barbarossa's son Henry, later Emperor Henry VI. Burgundio's translation De complexionibus has been edited for the first time as vol. Ι of Galenus latinus by R. Durling. We may expect that with the continuation of the Galenus latinus there will be some clarification of the last period of Burgundio's work as a translator.

95. E. Caspar, Roger II. (1101-1154) und die Gründung der normannisch-sicilischen Monarchie (Innsbruck 1904)  pp. 346 ff. (Nilus Doxapatres) and pp. 448 ff.

96. On the ministerial trilinqualism and on the noteworthy recession of Greek (and Arabic) as a language of the chancery in the course of the twelfth century, see Κ. A. Kehr, Die Urkunden der normannisch-sicilischen Könige (Innsbruck 1902), pp. 239 ff. On the chancery, see also Niese, in Historische Zeitschrift 108 (1912) 490 ff. The manuscript London, British Library Harl. 5786, contains in its three columns the Greek, Latin, and Arabic texts, and is considered a presentation copy of the court in Palermo (at the latest, 1153). Facsimiles of the Palaeographical Society, ser. 1 (London 1873-83), pl. 132; A. Watson, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts (London 1979), no. 383, pl. 84 ff.

97. A. de Stefano emphasizes the eclectic character of this culture which did not attain to unity until the rule of Frederick ΙΙ, in La cultura in Sicilia nel periodo normanno, 2nd ed. (Bologna 1954). pp. 84 ff.

98. Scaduto,  Il monachesimo basiliano nella  Sicilia medievale (1947);  Borsari, Il monachesimo bizantino nella Sicilia e nell'Italia meridionale prenornιanne (1963).

99. Batiffol, L'abbaye de Rossano, pp. 2 ff.

100. The famous dedicatory epistle was most recently reedited by Minio-Paluello and Drossaert Lιιlofs, Plato latinus, ΙΙ: Phaedo, pp. 89 f. On the addressee, see Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 169 ff. The first editor, Rose, understood Hero's mechanica to mean pneumatic system (in Hermes 1 [1866], 380 f.); E. Grant has opposed this interpretation, up until now the generally accepted one, in "Henricus Aristippus, William of Moerbeke and Two Alleged Mediaeval Translatinns of Hero's 'Pneumatica,"' Speculum 46 (1971), 656-69. Hugh Falcandus gives some information about the rise and fall of Henry Aristippus in Liber de regno Siciliae. Aristippus died, probably already in 1162, in the prison in Palermo: "captus fuerat et Panormum reductus ... in carcere post non multum temporis miserie simul et vivendi  modum  sortitus  est";  Hugh  Falcandus,  ed.  G. B.  Siragusa  (Rome  1867), p. 81. On Aristippus, see E. Franceschini's summary in Diztonario biografico degli Italiani (1962), IV, 201-6.

101. Minio-Paluello has proved this on the basis of comparisons of other translations by Aristippus in Opuscula, pp. 62-71. The great Toledan translator of Aristotle from the Arabic, Gerard of Cremona, translated all four books of the Meteora (Minio-Paluello, Opuscula, p. 135, n. 2); his translation of the fourth book did not, however, supplant Aristippus'. Ιn a combination of translations which was significant for the reception of Aristotle's works in the high Middle Ages, the Meteora had a wide circulation -in Gerard's translation of books Ι- ΙΙΙ from Arabic and Aristippus' translatinn of book IV from Greek- until William of Moerbeke again translated the whole work from Greek around 1260.

102. Kordeuter and Labowsky, Plato latinus, ΙΙ: Meno, p. 6.

103. "[Haben sie] auch nicht, wie der Timaeus, in die Schulstudien und in die Lehrgebäude der Magister Eingang gefunden -an der Schwelle des alle anderen Ansätze erdrückenden Arabismus und Aristotelismus hatten sie nicht die Zeit dazu-, so werden sie doch in den Moralbüchern, den Spruch- und Beispielsammlungen des späten Mittelalters nicht unerwähnt gelassen"; Rose, "Die Lücke im Diogenes Laërtius und der alte Übersetzer," Hermes 1, p. 374.

104. It is Codex Venice, Marc. gr. 313; cf. Canart, Scrittura e Civiltà 2 (1978), p. 149. On the history of the collection, see above in Chapter ΙΙ.

105. Foreword, ed. Haskins, Mediaeval Science, pp. 191-3.

106. Boese, Die mittelalterliche Übersetzung der ΣΤΟΙXΕΩΣΙΣ ΦΥΣΙΚΗ des Proclus (Berlin 1958).

107. A. A. Björnbo,  "Die  mittelalterlichen lateinischen  Übersetzungen aus dem Griechischen auf dem Gebiete der mathematischen Wissenschaften," Archiv fùr die Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und Technik 1 (1909), 385-94.

108. H. L. L.  Busard, "Der Traktat 'De isoperimetris,' der unmittelbar aus dem Griechischen ins Lateinische übersetzt worden ist" (with an edition), Mediaeval Studies 42 (1980), 61-88, here p. 63.

109. On De curvis superficiebus, see Μ. Clagett, Archimedes in the Middle Ages (Madison 1964). Ι, 439 ff., esp. p. 442.

110. J. E. Murdoch, "Euclides graeco-latinus: A Hitherto Unknown Medieval Latin Translation of the 'Elements' Made Directly from the Greek," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 71 (1966), 249-302.

111. E. Jamison, Admiral Eugenius of Sicily (London 1957).

112. Ed. L. Sternbach, in BΖ 11 (1902), 406-51.; ed. Μ. Gigante, Eugenio da Palermo: Versus iambici (Palermo 1964).

113. Ed. by O. Holder-Egger, "Italienische Prophetien des 13. Jahrhunderts," NA 15 (1890)  151-73; see also, more recently  Jamison  Eugenius pp. 21-32. The papal prophecies (Papalisto) which were famous in the late Middle Ages derived from the Byzantine oracle on emperors; in the oldest form of these prophecies, fifteen popes are characterized, beginning with Nicholas ΙΙΙ (Orsini, 1277-80), of whom it is said, "Genus nequam, ursa catulos pascens" ("a worthless family, a bear which nourishes her whelps"), which Dante took up again in the Divina Commedia (Inferno XΙX); cf. H. Grundmann, "Die Papstprophetien des Mittelalters," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 19 (1929), 77-138, and "Boniface VIII. und Dante " in Dante und die Mächtigen seiner Zeit (Munich 1960), pp. 16 f.

114. A. Lejeune, L'Optique de Claude Ptolémée dans la version latine (Louvain 1956).

115. Μ. C. Díaz y Díaz has provided an almost complete survey in Index Scriptorum Latinorum Medii Aevi Hispanorum (Madrid 1959).

116.. Μ. C. Díaz y Díaz, "Le latin du haut moyen âxe espagnol," in La lexicographie du latin médiéval et ses rapports avec les recherches actuelles sur la civilisation du moyen âge (Paris 1981), pp. 105-14.

117.  Paulιιs Albarus, epist. 4, 1 (Migne PL 121, col. 427).

118. Manchester, John Rylands Library 89, Spanish Cassiodorus manuscript from the year 949. San. 4^r; cf. Μ. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Latin Manuscripts in the John Rylands University Library (London 1921), Ι, 162, and ΙΙ, pl. 120.

119. Madrid, Biblioteca de la R. Academia de la Historia 8, Cassiodorιιs manuscript from San Μillán de la Cogolla, saec. X, fol. 341; cited from Μ. C. Díaz y Díaz Libros y librerias en la Rioja altomedieval (Logroño 1979), p. 142. ΑΩ should prοbably be resolved as the symbol of history, "the beginning and the end," as above, Chapter Ι1, sec. 3, ad init.

120. C. Haskins, "Translators from the Arabic in Spain," Mediaeval Scίence, pp. 3-19; Sarton, Introduction, ΙΙ/1, 114 f. and 169-79; Franceschini, "Ιl contributo dell'Italia alla trasmissione del pensiero greco in occidente nei secoli XΙΙ-XΙΙΙ," in Scritti di Filologia Latina  Medievale (1976); and especially Jourdain's still classic Recherches sur les anciennes traductions d'Aristote.

121. See the definitive survey by Μ.-R. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators," in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. R. L. Benson and G. Constable (Oxford 1982), pp. 421-62, here pp. 444 ff.: "Translations in Spain" (bibliog.).

122. D'Alverny, "Translations and Translators " p. 444, n. 97.

123. D. 1187; on Gerard, see Ι. Opelt, "Zur Übersetzungstechnik Gerhards von Cremona," Glotta 38 (1960), 135-70.

124. D. 1135; L. Thorndike, Michael Scot (Londnn 1965).

125. Daniel of Morley, Philosophia (Liber de naturis inferiorum et superiorum), praef, ed. G. Maιιrach, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 14 (1979), 212-45, here p. 212.

126. "nec libri Aristotelis de naturali philosophia nec commenta legantur"; N. Denifle and C. Chatelain, Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (Paris 1889), I, 70.

127. Cf. Friedrich Überweg's Grundriß der Geschichte der Philosophie, vol. ΙΙ: Die patristische und scholastische Philosophie, 13th ed., ed. B. Geyer (Basel/Stuttgart 1956), pp. 251 f and 706 f. (bibliog.). Book burnings have often had exactly the opposite effect to that intended. Despite the campaign of 1210, David's teachings were still quite well known (from Albertus Μagnιιs and Thomas); and in the end A. Birkenmajer has recovered a part of the texts: "Découverte de fragments manuscrits de David de Dinant," Revue néoscolastique de Philosophie 35 (1933), 220-29 (repr. in Birkenmajer's Études d'histoire des sciences et de la philosophie du moyen âge, pp. 11-20. Μ. Kurdzialek has edited the fragments: Davidis de Dinanto Quaternulorum fragmenta, Studia Mediewistyczne 3 (Warsaw 1963).

128. According to a report hy Albertus Μagnus, David translated a work of natural science (De problematibus quibusdam) from Greek for Emperor Frederick ΙΙ; it begins thιιs: "Cum essem in Graecia, venit ad manus meas liber de problematibus meteorum"; cf. Birkenmajer, "Découverte," pp. 221 ff. This translation has, however not yet been rediscovered. Thus despite Birkenmajer's fine discovery, this David of Dinant, who traveled in Greece, translated for Frederick ΙΙ, and was condemned in Paris, remains an enigma. The most recent work on the sιιbject is Μ.-T. d'Alverny's "Les nouveaux apports dans les domaines de 1a science et de la pensée au temps de Philippe Auguste: La philosophie," in La France de Phίlippe Auguste (Paris 1982) pp. 863-80.

129. J. Monfrin, "Humanisme et traductions au moyen âge," in L'humanisme médiéval dans les littératures romanes du XIΙe au XIVe siècle, ed. A. Fourrier (Paris 1964), 217-46, and "Les tradιιcteurs et leur public en France au moyen âge," ibid., pp. 247-62; Goldbrunner, in Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 50 (1968) 200-239.

130. Abelard, epist. 9, "Ad virgines Paraclitenses de studio litterarum" (Migne PL 178, cols. 332 f).

131. Sententiae, praef, ed. R. Μ. Martin, œuvres de Robert de Melun, ΙΙΙ/1 36 ff. See also Μ.V. Anastos, in Twelfth Century Europe, ed. Clagett, Post, and Reynolds, 2nd ed. (Madison 1966), pp. 132 ff.

132. Dialogus Ratii et Everardi, ed. V.Μ. Häring, in Mediaeval Studies 15 (1953) 243- 89. One presentation manuscript, with Gilbert's commentaries on Boethius' Opuscula sacra, closes with a Greek alphabetic table: Valenciennes 189 (B.4.63); J. Mangeart, Catalogue ... des manuscrits de la bίhliothèque de Valenciennes, no. 189, p. 178.

133. Klibansky, "The School of Chartres," in Twelfth Century Europe, pp. 3 ff. Châtillon, "Les écoles de Chartres et de Saint-Victor," in La Scuola nell'Occidente latino dell'Alto Μedioevo (1972), pp. 795-839.

134. Μ. Gibson, "The Study of the 'Timaeus' in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," Pensaιniento 25 (1969), 183-94.

135. Greek mythology, for instance, which played an important role in the School of Chartres as it did elsewhere, was obtained not from Greek but from Latin sources, especially Ovid's Μetamorphoses.

136. For the following, cf. Théry, in AHDL 18 (1950-51), 55 f.

137. "... non pigebit referre nec forte audire displicebit quod a Greco interprete et qui Latinam linguam commode nouerat, dum in Apulia morarer, accepi; nam et ipsi uolo referre gratiam, etsi non utilitatis (que tamen in his aliqua est), saltem bone uoluntatis, qua auditoribus prodesse cupiebat" ("... it will cause no shame to report and will not be displeasing to hear that whίle Ι was in Apulia Ι took lessons from a Greek translator who knew Latin rather well, and Ι would like to thank him, if not for any gain [although there was also some of this], at least for the good will with which he wanted to help his students"); John of Salisbury, Μetalogicon I 15, ed. C.C.I. Webb (Oxford 1929), p. 37.

138. Théry's essay "Docιιments concernant Jean Sarrazin," AHDL 18 (1950-51), is incomplete; thus one must also consult the Histoire littéraire de la France, 2nd ed. (Paris 1869), XIV, 191-94, and Grabmann, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben (Munich 1926), Ι, 454-60 (dedicatory epistle to Abbot Odo of St. Denis).

139. Théry, in AHDL 18, 45 f.; Grabmann, p. 459.

140. The dedication of Johannes Sarracenus is to be found in John of Salisbury's collection of letters, epist. 149 (Migne PL 199, cols. 143 f). Cf Théry, in AHDL 18, 51 ff. John of Salisbury's answer is in epist. 169 (Migne PL 199, cols. 161 ff.).

141. Cf. John of Salisbury, epist. 229 and 230 (Migne PL 199, cols. 259 ff.). Ιn the new edition by W. J. Millor and C.N.L. Brooke, The Letters of John of Salisbury, vol. ΙΙ (Oxford 1979), ιιnfortunately, only half of the correspondence is present. The letters of Johannes Sarracenus were not included.

142. Théry, "Jean Sarrazin, 'traducteur' de Scot Érigène," Studia Medievalia in honorem B. J. Martin. pp. 359 ff.

143. Written to John of Salisbury (Migne PL 199, col. 143).

144.  Written to Odo of St. Denis; Grabmann, Mittelalterliches Geistesleben, Ι, 456 f. The frater William of St. Denis was already mentioned in the first letter to Odo of St. Denis as a Greek authority (dedicatory epistle to De divinis nominibus): "Ceterum si in aliquo forte deliqui, vestre sit oro et fratris Wilhelmi diligentie emendare" ("If by chance Ι am lacking in something, Ι pray that your diligence and that of hrother William will emend it"); ed. Grabmann, p. 456. It can scarcely be determined which of the two Williams of St. Denis who worked with Greek was meant here.

145. The bishop of Poiters from 1152-54 was Gilbert, whose theology, at least in his students' eyes, was closely akin to the Greek. During the time when Johannes Sarracenus was translating the Hierarchies (1166-67), an Englishman had the episcopal throne of this city, which was also rιιled by the English.

146. Fundamental information is found in Delisle, in Journal des Savants (1900), 725-39; a new sιιrvey is given by Weiss, "Lo studio del greco all'abbazia di San Dionigi durante il medioevo," Medieval and Humanist Greek (1977), pp. 44-59.

147. E. Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France au moyen âge (Paris 1936), s.v. "Guillaume de Gap"; Wickersheimer supports the identification of the two Williams of St. Denis. Under "Guillaume de Harcigny," Wickersheimer's Dictionnaire mentions a French physician who traveled in the East (d. 1393). "... les médecins des vieux âges ont souvent arpenté l'Eιιrope et l'Asie en tous sens, que ce fût pour parfaire leurs études en se mettant à l'ecole des maîtres les plus rèputés ou pour voler au secours d'un souverain se trouvant mal à l'autre bout de la chrétienté" ("Physicians of earlier times often literally had to roam up and down Europe and Asia, in order to complete their studies by enrolling in the schools of the most famous masters, or to fly to the aid of a monarch who had fallen ill at the other end of Christendom"); T. d'Angomont, Revue du mouen âge latin 38 (1982), 199 f.

148. Delisle, in Journal des Savants (1900); On Herbert of Bosham as an exegete, see Smalley, The Study of the Bible, passim.

149. Ed. by A. Hilka, 88. Jahresbericht der schlesischen Gesellschaft für vaterländische Cultur (1910), IV. Abteilung, c.Sektion für neuere Philologie, pp. 5-23. A new edition by W.Suchier, in L.W. Daly and W. Suchier, Altercatio Hadriani Augusti et Epicteti Philosophi (Urbana, Ιll., 1939), pp. 147 ff. Weiss remarks pertinently: "La caccia si codici greci in oriente per conto dell'abbazia ... è un fatto che si può dir unico nella storia della cultura occidentale prima dei tempi di Guarino da Verona e dell'Aurispa" ("The search for Greek codices in the East on behalf of the abbacy ... is a fact which can be termed unique in the history of Western culture before the time of Guarino da Verona and Aurispa" (Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia 6 [1952], 429). One could of course also mention Moses of Bergamo.

150. Loenertz, "Le Panégyrique de S. Denys l'Aréopagite par S. Michel le Syncelle," in Byzantina et Franco-Graeca (1970).

151. Only the dedication has been printed, in Delisle  in Journal des Savants (1900), p. 727 f. On the manuscript, Paris, BN grec 933, from which William most likely translated, see ibid., p.730.

152. Weiss, Medieval and Humanist Greek, pp. 58 f (excerpt, based on two manuscripts); Handschin, Annales Musicologiques 2 (1954), 48 f (additional manuscript: Paris BN nouv. acq. 1509). Handschin suggested, without knowing the essays by Delisle and Weiss, that Wilhelmus Medicus was the translator.

153. On the importance of Dionysius for Hugh of St.Victor, see Châtillon, in La Scuola nell'Occidente latino dell'Alto Medioevo, pp. 834 f. R. Javelet, Image et ressemblance au XΙΙe siècle. De saint Anselme à Alain de Lille, Ι/2 (Paris 1967).

154. G. Théry. "Thomas Gallus. Aperçu Biographique,"AHDL 12 (1939), 141-208. On a commentary by Thomas Gallus on the Mystical Theology, see Théry, "Les oeuvres dionysiennes de Thomas Gallus," La vie spirituelle, Supplément 33 (1932), 129-54. J. Walsh has published newly found comments on the letters of Dionysius in "The 'Expositions' of Thomas Gallus on the Pseudo-Dionysian Letters," AHDL 30 (1963), 199-220.

155. Châtillon, "Hugues de Saint-Victor critique de Jean Scot," in Jean Scot Érigène et l'histoire de 1a philosophie, pp. 415 ff.

156. Dondaine, Le Corpus dionysien de l'Universitè de Paris, esp. pp. 122 ff